Introduction

For generations, private schools have served to enrich the Canadian education system. Rothesay Netherwood, New Brunswick’s premier private school, originated in 1877 (Rothesay Netherwood School, 2023). Another one of New Brunswick’s top private schools, Fredericton Christian Academy, was founded in 1978 (Fredericton Christian Academy, 2023). Despite the storied histories of the aforementioned institutions and evidence that Canadian private school students have higher achievement in both standardized tests and university graduation rates when compared to their public school peers (Frenette & Chan, 2015; OECD, 2012), the government of New Brunswick does not provide any funding for private schools. Due to the fact that education is provincially governed in Canada, government support for private schooling varies from province to province. Thus, the policy issue of government support for private schooling in Canada is an intriguing one which begs the question: In the ever-changing world of education, is it time for a new public funding model for Canadian private schools? What are the characteristics of such a model?

Public-private partnerships are referred to as both “PPPs” (Verger, 2016) and “P3” (Canadian Council for Public-Private Partnerships, 2007) in academic literature. For the sake of clarity, in this paper, public-private partnerships will be referred to as PPPs. PPPs in education are becoming increasingly popular, especially in countries in the Global South (Carlsen, 2022; Mundy, & Menashy, 2012; UNESCO, 2015). There are numerous categories of PPPs in education: support for policy making, teacher education, funding for individual schools, and funding for national education departments (Menashy, 2014; UNESCO, 2015). This paper proposes and advocates for a new form of PPP in education, called the “Private Education Tuition Initiative” (PETI) which enables eligible parents to access a targeted voucher system (OECD, 2012; Patrinos et al., 2009; Patrinos, 2012), with regulations for how to avoid the pitfalls of neoliberalism, and increase accessibility for marginalized peoples. Thus, breaking down barriers to private education for eligible Canadian families, alleviating the current pressure on the public school system, and providing a stepping stone on which Canada can climb toward the future.

Policy Issue 

Partial funding for private schooling is available in the Canadian provinces of British Columbia, Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, and Quebec (CBC News, 2022; Hunt et al., 2021; Our Kids, 2023; Teyssier, 2009). Conversely, the provincial governments of Ontario, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island, and Newfoundland do not provide funding to private schools. Public funding varies from province to province. An overview of provincial funding models, moving from western to eastern Canada, helps paint an accurate picture of the varied private education scenery therein. The government of British Columbia provides a maximum of 50% funding for private schools, depending on categorisation (British Columbia, 2023). In Alberta, private schools receive a maximum of 70% of per-student funding available to the public system, depending on accreditation (Riep, 2022). Saskatchewan has a detailed system which sets the funded ceiling at 80% (Hunt et al., 2021). A maximum of 50% funding for private schools is available in Manitoba (Manitoba, 2023). Quebec provides 60% public funding for compliant private schools which are heavily regulated (Hunt et al., 2021). Interestingly, all five provinces have categories for private schools which are recognised by the government, but do not receive funding in order to maintain complete autonomy (Hunt et al., 2021). According to Boeskins (2016) approximately 40% of Canadian private school funding is provided by provincial governments. This holds true when taking into the account the percentage of funding available in both funded and non-funded provinces. Considering the percentage of Canadian independent schools (synonym for private schools), which are publicly funded, Hunt, et al. (2021) said “In Canada outside Ontario, 75 percent of independent schools and 84 percent of independent-school students are partially publicly funded.” 

The Effects COVID-19 On Public Education

Like many countries around the world, Canadian provincial school systems struggled throughout the COVID-19 pandemic. As a result, a multitude of Canadians left the public education system in favor of alternatives. Private schools in the provinces of Ontario and New Brunswick have reported long waitlists (Wong, 2022; Chilibeck, 2023). Homeschooling has significantly increased in popularity (Novae Terrae Foundation, 2016; Statistics Canada, 2022a). Incredibly, between the 2019/20 and 2020/21 school years, the number of Canadian students who were homeschooled increased by 106% (Statistics Canada, 2022a). This data shows the necessity of a new form of PPP in order to increase access to high quality private schools. It is theorised that increasing access to private schools will allow a higher proportion of Canadian children to be educated by certified teachers and access specialised education programs as opposed to being educated at home. Though no research currently exists on this topic. 

Global Precedent For PPPs In Education

Globally, there is significant precedent for the public funding of private education. The Novae Terrae Foundation (2016) surveyed 136 countries around the world and determined that 73% provide government funding to private schools. The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) reported that 57.6% of private school funding comes from public sources among member countries (Boeskens, 2016; Hunt et al., 2021). It should be noted that funding models vary between provinces, states, and countries. The degree of variance ranges from governments funding 95% of private schooling in Finland, to only providing funding for facilities in Korea (Hunt et al., 2021). 

Benefits of PPPs In Education

Based on the successes of similar PPPs in education around the world, there is significant potential for an improved public funding model for Canadian private schools. PPPs in education have been successful in countries such as Finland, Sweden, the Netherlands, and Hong Kong (Boeskens, 2016; Schleicher, 2018). There are numerous positives of PPPs in education around the world, including: increasing success at university, social connections, exposure to unique programs, academic success for the poor, and access to a variety of curricula (Patrinos et al., 2009; UNESCO, 2015). Furthermore, access to a variety of curricula through school choice is a right under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (United Nations, 1948).  

Critiques of PPPs In Education  

This paper would be remiss if not to mention that PPPs are the subject of debate in academic literature related to education (Menashy, 2014). Such debates include numerous critiques of PPPs in education. When conceptualising and creating PPPs in education, there are romanticised assumptions, which stem from neoliberalism, about free-markets and choice which will be expanded upon in future sections. Assumptions which have led to broken systems in countries such as Liberia, Haiti, and Venezuela (Akmal et al., 2022; Patrinos, 2023). 

In addition, issues related to leadership and oversight are commonplace with PPPs in education. Insufficient regulation from governments, coupled with greed on the part of private institutions leads to abuses of power, diminished school quality, lack of accreditation, biased hiring practices, and high tuition rates. Which is evidence of a lack of true partnership between public and private parties (UNESCO, 2015). 

Finally, a lack of intentional design of PPPs can be damaging. For example, voucher systems, a funding method of PPPs in education, have a checkered history. Universal voucher systems, where funds are accessible to every family on a per-student basis, have been found to further inequalities between the rich and poor (OECD, 2012). Due to the lack of accessibility for those who struggle with the dominant language, or lack experience navigating complex bureaucracies. 

Conceptual Approach

Concept of Neoliberalism

Neoliberalism (BBC Ideas, 2019; Thorsen & Lie, 2006; Vallier, 2021; Venugopal, 2015) is a concept with an emphasis on privatisation, increased competition through free markets, and economic liberties prioritised over public needs. Neoliberalism will be the lens through which this paper examines government support for private schooling in Canada. In modern academic literature Neoliberalism is used as a critical framework (Monbiot, 2016). With the majority of current references to neoliberalism being used to insult economic policy that is deemed too conservative. It is no secret that neoliberalism is a concept with plenty of criticism, especially concerning its ineffectiveness related to education policy, reform, and PPPs (Blakely, 2017; Klees, 2008; Venugopal, 2015). 

Application of Neoliberalism

In this paper, neoliberalism will be used to understand the drawbacks of PPPs in education. When examined through the lens of neoliberalism, PPPs in Canadian education can exacerbate inequities. Primarily, due to the fact that “free-markets”, a major tenet of neoliberalism, do not lead to equitable access to education for entire populations, favoring the rich (Menashy, 2014; Patrinos, 2012) because of fee paying, access, and the bias of those in power during admissions processes (Macpherson et al., 2014). Myriad sources have documented the fact that marginalised students and families are often overlooked or unable to access private education due to language barriers and lack of previous experience (Boeskens, 2016; Macpherson et al., 2014; Menashy, 2014; OECD, 2012; UNESCO, 2015).

Private schools charge fees in order to provide quality education as well as fund staffing, programming, and facilities. Whereas public schools are free to students, funded by provincial governments through taxation or surplus. The average annual cost of a Canadian private day school is between $5,000 and $30,000 per student. Canadian boarding schools cost between $50,000 and $85,000 annually (EduCanada, 2023; Our Kids, 2022). Costs for tuition and fees vary depending on citizenship, age of the child, school location, and reputation. In 2020, the average income for Canadians aged 25 to 54 was $60,900 (Statistics Canada, 2022b). Thus, affording private schooling for one or more children is difficult for many Canadians. 

Inequalities in the access to education through private schools are common worldwide and are often created by neoliberal ideals. Such inequalities have been a hallmark of low-fee private schools (LFPS) in India (Nambissan, 2012).  Intriguingly, LFPS in Peru have been found to disadvantage students because of the unregulated, low-level education they provide (Balarin et al., 2019). In both India and Peru the perception is that private schools denote higher quality education, which is not the reality. Additionally, charter schools in the United States of America, which are not private by classification, yet can be privately managed (Boeskens, 2016), are limited in their scope and sequence (Blakely, 2017). Privately managed charter schools can create similar inequalities to private schools by limiting their accessibility to all through unseen barriers and bias. When private schools are used as a weapon for neoliberal ideals, the gap grows between rich and poor because only those who can afford or understand how to access elite education have access to it. As Blakely (2017) mentions, neoliberal systems of education have turned education into a product to be bought and sold, complete with market value and ulterior motives for those looking to gain power.

Position

Canadian Private Schools And Higher Achievement

Canadian private school students have been found to have higher achievement in both standardized tests and university graduation rates when compared to their public school peers (Frenette & Chan, 2015; OECD, 2012). Furthermore, private schools achieve said results in fewer school days each year, evidence of greater efficiency. The largest contributing factors to private school achievement are both socioeconomic status and peer interaction. Increasing access to private schools through the PETI will open doors for students of lower socioeconomic status to have exposure to previously inaccessible peer groups, bolstering their networking, university, and career opportunities.

Types of PPP Funding Models

Around the world, there are numerous models that governments use to fund private schools, such as: direct funding, operating grants, and vouchers. Akmal et al., (2022) found that PPPs are more effective when funding follows students and is not given directly to schools. Operating grants are used by private schools to cover facilities costs such as snow removal, electricity, repairs, and lease. As it pertains to vouchers, two common categories of education vouchers exist, universal and targeted. Academic literature is clear that the type of voucher matters when constructing a program such as the PETI. Universal voucher systems, where funds are accessible to every student, often further inequalities between the rich and poor (OECD, 2012). Conversely, targeted vouchers have been found to be twice as likely to increase equitable access to education (OECD, 2012; OECD, 2017; Patrinos et al., 2009).   

Current models of Canadian private school funding allow provincial governments to provide funding directly to schools based on the number of students enrolled (Van Pelt et al., 2017). For example, 200 students are enrolled at Example High School. The Province of British Columbia sets the funding rate at $6,000 per student. Example High School receives $6,000 multiplied by 200 students. Then multiplied again by 50%, the maximum percentage of funding  which eligible private schools receive in British Columbia. Therefore, Example High School receives $600,000 dollars in funding from the provincial government and can also charge tuition to generate additional revenue. 

Details of the PETI

Instead, this paper is advocating for a targeted voucher system which empowers eligible parents to choose which school best meets the needs of their children. The PETI uses a targeted voucher which provides students who come from families with a gross income of $70,000 or less with 70% of provincial funding upon acceptance into a private school. The income eligibility level of $70,000 or below was set based on the precedent of the previous Free Tuition Program (FTP) while accounting for inflation. More information about the FTP will be provided later in the paper. Depending on the cost of tuition, the PETI would be used in lieu of or to subsidise private school fees in order to increase affordability. Thus, increasing access to quality private education for marginalised populations. Funding for the PETI will be sourced from provincial tax dollars which are placed into a pool for eligible families to apply for on a per-child basis (Boeskens, 2016; Glenn, 2012; Hunt et al., 2021; Patrinos, 2012; Swedish Institute, 2021). OECD (2012) found that higher rates of public funding are connected to less stratification between public and private schools, as well as higher PISA test scores. This is further evidence that the PETI can decrease classism and marginalisation in Canadian education. 

Intentional Regulations

Intentional regulations have been found to increase the success of PPPs around the world (Akmal et al., 2022; Boeskens, 2016; OECD, 2017; Patrinos, 2023). In order to ensure that the pitfalls and critiques of neoliberalism do not hinder the PETI, regulations will be put in place for private schools. The regulations are as follows: increased accountability for admissions processes, third party admissions services, ensuring school and curriculum accreditation, facility inspections, and provincial teacher and principal certification. Such regulations will help the PETI to be inclusive to marginalised populations and beneficial to Canadian provincial education systems. In order to help the unique elements of each private school to flourish, the regulations will be carried out with a tone of partnership (UNESCO, 2015). All of the regulations within the PETI resemble regulations which funded provinces currently require of their private schools (Hunt et al., 2021). 

International Connections  

The PETI has similarities to successful programs around the world. In fact, five other OECD countries such as the Netherlands and Chile use targeted vouchers for education (Hunt et al., 2021; OECD, 2017; Patrinos, 2023). These education systems and PPPs are not perfect by any stretch of the imagination. However, lessons can be gleaned from them in order to increase the effectiveness of the PETI related to design, communication, and regulation. It is key to understand that every country is different, with varying history, identity, culture, values, and legislation. Therefore, taking the time to understand context should play a significant role when constructing and critiquing PPPs in education (Menashy, 2014; OECD, 2017; Patrinos et al., 2009). 

The PETI Pilot Project

This paper proposes that New Brunswick is the perfect province for a 10-year pilot project for the PETI. Due to New Brunswick’s precedent of funding tertiary education such as the Renewed Tuition Bursary (RTB), the fact that it represents only 2% of Canada’s population (Statistics Canada, 2021a), and has nothing to lose in terms of Canada-wide assessment results. New Brunswick ranked below the Canadian average in math, reading, and science on the recent Pan-Canadian Assessment Program (Council of Ministers of Education Canada, 2019). New Brunswick is home to approximately 20 private schools (Van Pelt et al., 2017; Allison et al., 2016). Which serve 1.3% of the private school students in Canada (Statistics Canada, 2021b). Incidentally, New Brunswick’s private school market, like many provinces in Canada, is growing. Private schools in the province experienced a 20% increase in enrollment between the 2019/20 and 2020/21 school years (Statistics Canada, 2022a). An enrollment spike, which can undoubtedly be attributed to the COVID-19 pandemic and evidence of increased awareness of the value of private education in the province. It should be noted that the regulations within the PETI will result in significant adjustments for private schools in New Brunswick. Among the Canadian provinces, New Brunswick has the least regulation related to certifications and inspections for private schools (Van Pelt et al., 2017).

Precedent For Public Funding In New Brunswick 

Differences between the PETI, current provincial direct funding models among funded provinces, and a lack of current regulation in non-funded provinces may result in growing pains (Zancajo et al., 2022). Pains which can be overcome due to the precedent set by similar New Brunswick government funding programs. From 2016 to 2019 the government of New Brunswick offered the FTP for tertiary education to families with a gross annual income of $60,000 or less (McHardie, 2016; New Brunswick, 2016). Since 2019, New Brunswick has offered a Renewed Tuition Bursary (RTB) instead of the FTP (Service New Brunswick, 2023). Similar to the FTP, the RTB accounts for family income and provides targeted funding in conjunction with national and provincial student loan programs. The previous existence of the FTP and current existence of the RTB increase the likelihood that New Brunswick has the capacity to successfully implement the PETI.

Phases Of The PETI Pilot Project 

The 10-year PETI pilot project will involve the following phases: i) Design phase, ii) Public communication phase, iii) Launch phase (in which the 10-year pilot project will officially begin), iv) Evaluation phase 1 (quantitative and qualitative data collection, during the fall of year six of the project), v) Course correction phase, vi) Evaluation phase 2 (quantitative and qualitative data collection, during the fall of year nine of the project), vii) Project summary phase. In the tenth year of the PETI pilot project, Project summary phase will determine whether or not the initiative will continue and weigh the potential of being adopted by other provinces. If the PETI is successful in New Brunswick, it can be expanded throughout the Canadian provinces and potentially around the world.   

Conclusion

It is time for a new public funding model for Canadian private schools. In 2023, there is phenomenal potential for a renewed PPP such as the PETI. The world is still reeling in many ways from the effects of the COVI-19 pandemic. Public education systems are strained and in need of support. Canadian families deserve the opportunity to explore private education alternatives in order to provide the best possible future for their children. The PETI was designed to make this possible. 

Neoliberalism levels numerous critiques against PPPs in education. Neoliberal free-markets and competition are lauded as central benefits of PPPs in education. However, “free-markets” are not free, they favor those of high socioeconomic status. Inequality continues through PPPs when marginalised, refugee, immigrant, and minority language speakers are unable to access private schools. Detractors of the PETI will reference the current harsh economic landscape. The truth is that every year, there are myriad reasons for provincial governments not to make sweeping changes to their education funding models. However, there is a more compelling argument that a new public funding model for Canadian private schools, like the PETI, is a necessity if Canada hopes to increase accessibility to quality education and remain a global leader in education. 

The characteristics of the PETI are: enabling accessibility to quality private education, increasing equity for marginalized peoples, and elevating education levels of provincial populations. As well as combating the pitfalls of neoliberalism through a targeted voucher system, lessons learned from countries such as the Netherlands and Chile, and intentional regulation. The PETI will use the following intentional regulations to be successful: increased accountability for admissions processes, third party admissions services, ensuring school and curriculum accreditation, facility inspections, and provincial teacher and principal certification.  

In closing, the Greek word “peti” means “stone” or “rock” (The Name Meaning, 2023). True to this namesake, the PETI can be a stepping stone for Canadian provinces to reach greater heights in education. Not in terms of test scores or notoriety, more importantly in terms of increasing the access to quality private education for all. Provincial governments which are brave enough to undertake the PETI and wise in its design and regulation, will experience positive ripple effects for generations. 

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Thank you for taking the time to read this article. It was a pleasure spending time with you today. 

Peace & Blessings, 

– Josiah